As has been the case during the previous elections, hundreds of opposition party candidates, and observers were hunted down and detained at different places prior to the polling day under the pretext that they created obstacles to the process of election or were suspected of being members of political organizations labeled terrorist by the EPRDF government, groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogadenean Nation Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ginbot 7.

Ethiopian Election 2015: Is Democracy Prosperous or Destitute?

June 28, 2015 Human Rights

HRLHA Press Release

June 28, 2015

 Public, For Immediate Release

Ethiopia holds general elections every five years; the most recent one was held on May 24, 2015. The ruling TPLF/EPRDF party, which has been in power for the past twenty-four years, officially announced on this past Monday, June 22, 2015 that the government and its allies ((political organizations created by EPRDF) won a landslide victory in the country’s parliamentary elections. In the announcement, the ruling party proudly declared itself, not just the winner, but that it was also more victorious than ever before by taking all seats in both the federal and regional parliaments with its allies. In the months and weeks leading to the elections, under very restrictive conditions and in some places even where detentions were common, campaigns by the opposition parties were very intense, and the public response in support of the parties was far beyond expectations.

Unfortunately, all of that was to no avail. Looking at the end results of the elections, all that could be said is that the huge public rally behind the opposition parties instead alerted the ruling party- it prepared itself and came up with more and newer tactics to rig the elections. Heavily equipped armed forces were deployed in different areas including the surroundings of the capital, Addis Ababa/Finfinne.

As has been the case during the previous elections, hundreds of opposition party candidates, and observers were hunted down and detained at different places prior to the polling day under the pretext that they created obstacles to the process of election or were suspected of being members of political organizations labeled terrorist by the EPRDF government, groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogadenean Nation Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ginbot 7.

Thousands of Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) candidates and observers in Oromia Regional State, including Bule Hora (Guji Zone) South Oromia,  Makko and Darimu (Illu Abba Bora), Gimbi and Gulisso (Wallagga) West Oromia, Ginir and Goro (Bale), South Oromia were arrested and intimidated by the government security forces. OFC members Mr. Dula Matias and Mr. Zelalem Shuma in Dambi Dola (Wallagga), the Western Oromia Regional State were among those detained.

There have been cases of misinforming and misguiding voters, especially regarding voting times and places. Although it was announced ahead of the election day that there were plenty of voting cards, Oromo electors in some particular parts of the region were told that there were no voting cards left. In other areas of Oromia it has been confirmed that the voting cards were distributed to the people hours after the election has already started.

For example, in the following photo the EPRDF representative on the Toke Kutaye District (Ambo) was distributing voter cards on May 24, 2014.

Worst of all was the stealing of the ballot boxes after they were filled with voting cards in order to give all the votes to the candidates of the ruling party, regardless of whom the voter cards belonged to. The above mentioned incidents happened mainly in Eastern and Western Hararge, Dire Dawa, in various parts of central Shawa, in the Oromia Zone of Wallo, particularly at Wallo University, in Illu Abbabor, at Mettu University, in different parts of Wallaga, in Guji and Borana zones of the regional state of Oromia.

Accordingly, as proven in the announcement made by the National Election Board, the ruling TPLF/EPRDF Party stole most of the votes and, by so doing, systematically eliminated all opposition parties from the political game, leaving both the regional and federal parliaments without any alternative voices and differing political opinions. It is so worrisome that the country is once again back under a one-party monopoly of everything – political, economic, and social. All the rhetoric during the past two decades regarding the flourishing of democracy in Ethiopia has now proven to have been lies and deceptions- the reality is that democracy has been diminished.

Regardless of the unpopular results of the elections, both the Ethiopian peoples and all the opposition political parties should never feel that they lost. They should be rewarded for doing the best job that they have done – very peaceful election campaigns were conducted by the opposition parties and, in response, similar rallies and supports were shown by the general public. Both the Ethiopian peoples and the opposition parties have demonstrated and exercised genuine democracy in an oppressive political environment where democracy did not exist. Above all, the reaction of the population during the campaigns clearly demonstrated to the world that fundamental changes are needed in that country.

While the local observers were silenced by various types of harassment and intimidation, foreign and international independent observers such as the European Union and various human rights agencies chose to stay away knowing that, based on experiences from the past elections, their presence would make no difference except giving legitimacy to such a fake election. The decision taken by international observers not to participate in such a fake election could be described as a step in the right direction, a sign of rejection and refusal which showed that preconditions the government of Ethiopia followed for the election was wrong.  However, a lot more needs to be done to bring about positive political changes in Ethiopia.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa is deeply concerned about the human rights situation in Ethiopia which keeps deteriorating over time. Ethiopia is a party to numerous instruments of international and regional human rights, humanitarian and other laws[1]. The Ethiopian government has accepted, signed and ratified most of the international human rights standards. It has an obligation to adhere to those agreements and their implementations.  However, the government of Ethiopia has repeatedly failed to implement those standards, including the Ethiopian constitution of 1995. On the contrary, the government adopted anti- terrorism legislation and NGO law which it has used to criminalize the democratic rights of the people.

The Ethiopian government has been given a number of recommendations from UN Human Rights Council sessions to adhere to the international instruments it has signed and ratified, including at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) assessment outcome of 2014, where the country was given 252 recommendations to improve its human rights infringements it has committed against its people. The Ethiopian government also was advised to implement in full its constitutional protection for freedom of expression, assembly and association, and to encourage political tolerance

The parliamentary election of May 2015 in Ethiopia confirms that the country is heading towards a mono- political system of government. To change this, the Ethiopian government needs to:

• Adhere to International, Regional and Domestic human rights and their implementation, humanitarian rights and its own constitution
• Abolish the Anti-terrorism Proclamation of 2009
• Remove NGO law 2009
• Reforming the Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation of 2009
• Repealing the provisions shielding public officials from criticism

Therefore, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) calls upon the international diplomatic and human rights agencies to join hands with the democratic-thirsty Ethiopian peoples and opposition political parties in their efforts to put pressure on the ruling TPLF/EPRDF party so that it abides by democratic principles as well as international laws and respects fundamental human rights so that genuine democracy can flourish.

The crackdown on opposition parties and their supporters was the final piece of the puzzle. In the lead-up to the elections, the authorities arrested leading members of the opposition and put them on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges. Political parties reported difficulties in registering candidates and acquiring funds to which they are legally entitled. Security force personnel arrested and harassed people organizing rallies, confiscating their equipment and unfairly denying them permits. Over the last two weeks, several opposition members and candidates have been beaten to death in suspicious circumstances.

Dispatches: Alarm Bells for Ethiopia’s 100% Election Victory

June 24, 2015 Human Rights

(HRW) — Elections where a ruling party wins 100 percent of the seats in parliament should always ring alarm bells. Results in Ethiopia from the May 24 general election, released yesterday, are no exception. According to Ethiopia’s National Electoral Board, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition won 546 parliamentary seats (with the 547th seat still to be announced).

The results shouldn’t be seen as a stamp of approval for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s government – rather they are the inevitable outcome of a political system in which opposition parties face extraordinary challenges and nearly all avenues for citizens to engage in political debate are closed.

The seeds for this situation were sown years ago. Since the last election in 2010, in which the EPRDF won a mere 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats, political space has been further restricted: the independent media has been decimated, civil society groups virtually eliminated, and peaceful public demonstrations quelled, sometimes by force.

The crackdown on opposition parties and their supporters was the final piece of the puzzle. In the lead-up to the elections, the authorities arrested leading members of the opposition and put them on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges. Political parties reported difficulties in registering candidates and acquiring funds to which they are legally entitled. Security force personnel arrested and harassed people organizing rallies, confiscating their equipment and unfairly denying them permits. Over the last two weeks, several opposition members and candidates have been beaten to death in suspicious circumstances.

International observers were largely absent, choosing not to monitor a vote that provided little opportunity to be independent and effective observers. The African Union was the exception, concluding that the elections were “calm, peaceful, and credible” – a standard very different from being free and fair.

The European Union and the United States, two of Ethiopia’s key allies, were largely silent on the political crackdown. Instead, they congratulated Ethiopia for a “peaceful” election, more concerned with the increasing potential for violence than with a fair electoral landscape. This is short-sighted and dangerous. Authoritarian control rarely provides long-term stability and nearly always compounds significant human rights violations.

For many Ethiopians, the elections confirmed what they already knew: the ruling coalition completely controls all aspects of their daily life and permits no alternative political views. The question is, when will Ethiopia’s allies open their eyes?

On June 15, 2015, the body of 27-year-old Samuel Aweke, a candidate with the Samayawi (Blue) party was found in one of the main streets of Dembre-Markos at around 7 p.m. Blue party officials believe his murder was politically motivated. A few days before his murder, Aweke published an article in his political party’s newspaper Negere Ethiopia criticizing the behavior of local authorities, the police and other security officials. His political party claims he received threats from security officers after the article was published. Witnesses at the scene where his body was found said his body had visible stab wounds and appeared to have been beaten with a blunt object.

Amnesty International Asks Ethiopia to Investigate Suspicious Murders and Human Rights Violations

June 24, 2015 Human Rights

(Amnesty International) — The suspicious murder of opposition leaders and wide-spread human rights violations against opposition party members over the past few weeks raises questions about Ethiopia’s elections, said Amnesty International as the parliamentary poll results were announced yesterday.

The organization has also expressed concerns about the failure of the Africa Union Elections Observer Mission (AUEOM) and the National Elections Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) to properly monitor and report on allegations of widespread abuses before, during and after the election.

“Amnesty International has received a number of reports concerning the deaths of political opposition figures in suspicious circumstances, as well as of a pattern of human rights violations against political opposition parties throughout the election period. These reports must be investigated and perpetrators brought to justice,” said Michelle Kagari, Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for Eastern, Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes.

“It is unacceptable that these violations barely warranted a mention in reports released by official observers, including the Africa Union Elections Observer Mission and the National Elections Board of Ethiopia.”

In the run-up to the elections, more than 500 members of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUF)/ Medrek – a coalition of opposition parties, including the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) were arrested at polling stations in Oromia region. Forty-six people were beaten and injured by security officers while six people sustained gunshot injuries and two were shot and killed. Gidila Chemeda of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) was shot and killed by police in Western Shewa zone, Dima Kege Woreda, Gelam Gunge Kebele of the Oromia region.

On June 15, 2015, the body of 27-year-old Samuel Aweke, a candidate with the Samayawi (Blue) party was found in one of the main streets of Dembre-Markos at around 7 p.m. Blue party officials believe his murder was politically motivated. A few days before his murder, Aweke published an article in his political party’s newspaper Negere Ethiopia criticizing the behavior of local authorities, the police and other security officials. His political party claims he received threats from security officers after the article was published. Witnesses at the scene where his body was found said his body had visible stab wounds and appeared to have been beaten with a blunt object.

A member of the Arena/Medrek political opposition party reported that its leader for Western Tigrai zone, Tadesse Abraha, 48, was accosted while on his way home on June 16, 2015 by three unknown people who attempted to strangle him. Abraha managed to escape, but collapsed and died shortly after reaching his home. According to his political party, Abraha had reported being threatened by local security officials shortly before his death.

On June 19, 2015, another member of Medrek was found dead 24 hours after he was arrested at his home by two police officers. Berhanu Erabu’s battered body was found near a river in Hadiya Zone, Soro Woreda (district) of Southern Ethiopia.

Amnesty International has documented these killings and is now calling on the Ethiopian Ministry of Justice, Federal Police Commission and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission to investigate these apparent targeted killings of opposition political party leaders and ensure those responsible are brought to justice

Background:

Amnesty International sent a letter with preliminary recommendations to the AUEOM on May 21, 2015.

Amnesty International expressed its concerns about the state of human rights in Ethiopia and the impact the human rights context was having on the ability of Ethiopians to participate in the electoral process. The organization urged the AUEOM to monitor and report on human rights violations throughout the election period in its assessment of the conduct of the elections.

The ruling political party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been declared the winner of the elections.

The purpose of this protest rally is to strongly protest against the ongoing widespread human rights violations and extrajudicial killings of Oromos in general and Oromo students in universities in particular by the TPLF minority regime in Ethiopia.

Oromo Peaceful Protest in Washington D.C., Friday June 19, 2015

June 5, 2015 North America

A Call to Demonstrate Against the TPLF /EPRDF Tyrannical Regime

Dear All Oromos and friends of the Oromo in the Washington DC Metropolitan Area and living in other states of USA

The Oromo Community Organization (OCO) of the Washington Metropolitan Area, the Oromo Youth Self-help Association (OYSA), the International Oromo Women’s Organization (IOWO) and the Coordinating Committee formed to establish the Oromo Community Association in North America (OCO_NA) have jointly planned to hold a protest rally in front of the White House and
US State Department on June 19, 2015 starting 9:00 AM to 1:00 PM against the Oromo massacre by the TPLF led minority regime in Ethiopia.

The purpose of this protest rally is to strongly protest against the ongoing widespread human rights violations and extrajudicial killings of Oromos in general and Oromo students in universities in particular by the TPLF minority regime in Ethiopia.

In May 2014 the government security forces killed 70 students demonstrating against the TPLF led minority regime in Ethiopia land grab policy, thousands wounded and arrested. Oromo youth are targeted in general. There are about 45,000 political prisoners as reported by different ex-political prisoners

The current Ethiopia Government is the regime that dehumanizes the Oromo public; violates the basic human rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. The Regime is holding thousands of Oromo political prisoners in its notorious Maikelawi and many other Government detention centers without due legal process and displaces millions of Oromo farmers from their land in the name of master plan development to grab land. The arrests and tortures of Oromos have continued. Many of those who survived the torture have remained incarcerated.

For example, at the end of 2014 two Oromo farmers in Salale Zone, North Shoa were brutally murdered and their bodies dragged and put on public display for resisting oppression against /TPLF regime.

Very recently, in 2014, Mr. Abbay Tsehaye, one of the top officials of TPLF, adviser of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and head of the Addis Ababa Master plan designers declared war of terror and genocide against the Oromo people for resisting the expansion of Addis Ababa Administration into Oromia State and the ongoing Oromo land grab by the TPLF led minority regime. Oromo citizens couldn’t live peacefully to work, to learn and determine their destinies. Ethiopia is an open prison for the Oromo nationals. Thousands are fleeing their country due to lack of security, peace, freedom and guarantee for life. Young Oromos who fled their country due to Ethiopian government brutality have fallen victims to the beheadings by ISIS in Libya. Many others have perished in the Mediterranean Sea when smugglers’ boats capsized. Oromos are also victims of recent xenophobic killings in South Africa and displacement of refugees by civil war in Yemen.

We are protesting to expose this wanton state aggression against the citizens. We make the protest rally to request the U.S administration and the democratic loving Americans to exert utmost pressure on the Ethiopian dictatorial regime so that it stop the arbitrary arrests, kidnappings, tortures and killings of innocent Oromos and university students for simply exercising their God-given basic human rights; freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of peaceful demonstration. We request because the regime is the ally of the United States. In particular, the rally will demand a halt to the killing of Oromo students who are peacefully protesting against the so-called Integrated Development Master Plan whose sole purpose is to illegally expand the capital city, Addis Ababa/Finfinnee towards Oromia State, thereby systematically evicting Oromo farmers from their ancestral lands as well as dispossessing them of their properties, identity, culture, language, freedom, way of life…etc.

We also oppose and denounce the false & predetermined election and its shameful results which was orchestrated to legitimize and elongate the authoritarian tenure of TPLF at the expense of the voices of millions of Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia. The irresponsible TPLF minority gangs once again proved their dictatorial grip to power by declaring EPRDF’s sweeping the election.

All Oromos, democratic nations and friends of Oromo should stand against the heinous acts being perpetrated towards Oromo students by the minority led Ethiopian government as well as against the so-called Addis Ababa-Oromia state integrated master plan and also condemns in the strongest terms, the killings and violent atrocities committed against Ethiopian immigrants in Libya, South Africa and Yemen. We also demand that the authorities ordering and executing this massacre against Oromos and other peoples be held accountable for their crimes at an international court.

OCO, OYSA, IOWO and OCA-NA Coordinating Committee are calling upon all Oromos and friends of Oromo in USA and diaspora to demonstrate against this killer and cunning minority led regime in Ethiopia on the same day June 19, 2015.

TPLF vs OLF”. In that snap shot parallel view, I did uncover the basic reason for the inception/ creation of TPLF. Here on this posting, I am discussing the very persuasive driving forces for launching OLF, while targeting that differences which shaped the distinctive principles that both TPLF and OLF continue to spouse and preserve as their unflinching values or norms.

Principle: TPLF vs OLF

June 17, 2015 Oromia

By Yaadasaa Dafa

Yaadasa Dafaa

The basic description of the word “principle” may not take us very far than knowing our own frame of references, moral rule, or basic belief that dictates the right from wrong in our own lives. That simple conceptual building blocks of principles also do apply to all human organizations as well.

The World Wikipedia explains “principle” as: : a moral rule or belief that helps you know what is right and wrong and that influences your actions: a basic truth or theory : an idea that forms the basis of something: a law or fact of nature that explains how something works or why something happens…..etc.”

Having principle is the highly requisite prodigy for a person as an individual, and even more decreed/pronounced for its dynamism in the case of an Organization. Principle is a guiding light without which the individual can be purposeless, void of noble meanings of life, and a hollow being scavenging for survival who devours what even happen to fall in his/her grip. In the case of an organization without a genuine principle, its active affiliates often dwell on deeply engraved values that descends from “survival of the fittest”. But when seen in action together with their colleagues, they openly represent bunch of thuggish mafia whose meanings of survival/life is often contradictive. On one hand, they do claim and verbalize the appropriate norms for the society prerequisites including the necessities of economic growth/development as well the need for progress in heath, transportations and all other sectors of the societal demands. They can even initiate such noble causes.  On the other hand, the members of an Organization without principle cannot free themselves from the power of the contradictive value system which robes all the intentions, and they always fall victim of their own crave for wealth and fortune. Such an organization remain its own worst enemy as the vacuum of principle presents no limit on its associates for more self-centered  individualistic ventures at the expenses of their own circles, including close friends and own family members.  This scenario is non avoidable for them even if only time will verify the validity.  One may ask, what that got to do with TPLF and OLF.

In my previous posting I started addressing “the analogous backgrounds: TPLF vs OLF”.  In that snap shot parallel view, I did uncover the basic reason for the inception/ creation of TPLF. Here on this posting, I am discussing the very persuasive driving forces for launching OLF, while targeting that differences which shaped the distinctive principles that both TPLF and OLF continue to spouse and preserve as their unflinching values or norms. The comparative achievements, and tribulations are also indicatives of these differences and cannot be isolated as independent variable, even if it has been habitually manipulated so as to shine on the oppressors for mere justifications of their over aged colonial enterprise.

OLF was founded on a solid principle and paradigm of fighting for the basic freedom and emancipation of the people of Oromia from the backward Abyssinian colonization. The original principles that were envisioned by the founding fathers of OLF continues to spark life of its own for every Oromo citizens under all natural or perpetuated conditions. Therefore the fundamental endeavors of OLF and the people of Oromia was/is to gain FREEDOM from the Abyssinian colonial monarchy which has been concealing its real face of colonial settlement; under the Abyssinian/Ethiopian Kingdom, Military Socialism, and now under the fake standard for Democracy. During all the above systems of governances and their ascendancies, no matter to their surface differences of philosophies and hierarchical dissimilarities, the past/present entire administrative powers of the Abyssinian dynasties shared one common priority in their agendas which were/is directed towards how to disempower, exploit, and perpetuate all inhumane crimes against the people of Oromia so as to retain the unity of this colonial bondage at the expenses of the identities, and belongings, of the Nation of Oromia, and other oppressed people in Ethiopia. These facts are recorded under the treacherous administrations of Menilik, Haile Silasse, Mengistu, TPLF-Meles, and present TPLF-Abyssinian colonial power House guard. Therefore, it remains essential and non-negotiable, but an absolute obligatory paradigm for the people of Oromia = OLF to struggle for the untainted, but god given an indispensable freedom from the Abyssinian colonialism. Nothing less, nothing more.  

In the rosy world of organizations, it may appear to be obvious to judge one person or an Organization on face value.  But it is the basic necessity to go past the present glamour and make the very essential but primary inquiry to fully capture the rock Principle upon which that organization is founded or instituted on.

It becomes unnatural, at its best, but deceptive as it is, to expect an organized group to function outside their original design. This is the factual premises that one needs to comprehend fully before jumping into a deal(s) with an entity of individuals who legalized themselves from anger, revenge and vindictiveness on the grounds of their own perceived views of being victimized from getting the lion share of the empire. Therefore, awaiting from the present Ethiopian power house TPLF to honor the true Democratic principles is just like going to fishing in the pond that is polluted with the industrial chemical waste. As I have reflected back on the formation of TPLF in my previous posting:

“The formation of TPLF was reaction to the 1896 Ethiopian emperor Menelik, who was opposed to the Italy’s territorial dreams and plan. Therefore, Menelik did: A) Position the 80,000- men army into Tigray without making available (to the soldiers) enough military necessities thereby compelling the whole army to live off the Tigray people and their lands.

When the Italian fascist forces invaded Ethiopia, the main battleground was again Tigray, and once again the Tigray citizens sustained the heavy load of the Fascist invasion.

In 1943, after the Allied Powers had defeated Italy and Haile Selassie had returned to Ethiopia, Tigray peasants revolted against the imperial regime. The Ethiopian government forces, supported by British units, curbed the revolt. The emperor then imposed a harsh peace treaty on Tigray…..” Sources:  the Ethiopian historical documents. 

Even though much more qualitatively and quantitatively validated independent research is absolutely desired to unveil fully the real agenda of the initiations of TPLF, and major role played by others, it would be not much exiting to repeat narratives of TPLF’s journey to power in Finfinee in 1991 here on this article, but I will continue to examine the huge disparities that was vibrantly laid as grounds for both political entities (TPLFvsOLF).

Here the fundamental differences of principles includes, but not limited to: the original purpose of the foundation, as well as their un-equivocated and the un-paralleled driving cause and commitment for their respective root beliefs. Basically thirst for freedom and its commitment cannot be equated with the illusory and colorfully pronounced vengeances and vindictiveness.  In the ideal world, the real cause needs to justify the means and the achieved ends. But as verified by countless power hungry autocrats and 20th century technocrats including TPLF, the power of gun proved to ignore the indispensable fabrics of the people’s choices as well as the people’s exercises of power though sustaining the democratically elected public officials including the presidency of that Nation. Once again what we fail to conceptualize is; who is to deliver upon the democratic norms and standards when TPLF was designed for socially pilfering to satisfy its craving for wealth, and whatever they can lay their hands on?

Yes, we cannot ignore neither TPLF nor OLF’s current concrete achievements, but one needs to make an empirical and pragmatic judgements at the faces of their potentials for upholding-up of their vanguard principles in future in a continuum manners, while attesting to the contending variables within both contradictory organizations.  But as for now, we need to be clear that; one is struggling for the legitimate National cause of its people, while the other one is hanging to its illegal power using all the coercively acquired political baggage which is justified to the international community with the skillful manipulations of the Democratic principles and the sham rehearsal just so as to extend its vivid vulgar violence on the people of Oromia, including all oppressed Nations and Nationalities of Ethiopia.

As for the recent election (2015 Election), as predicted, the TPLF scooped all the electoral offices by imprisoning, forcing to vacate the county, threatening and tarnishing the images of other opposition candidates way and far ahead of the planned election day . Amazingly even after winning by such an imaginary margin, TPLF continues to blame the opposing challengers for causing them (TPLF) to win the full victory (100%). Nowhere in the entire world such a result be feasible unless the non-orthodox, un-Democratic performances were unleashed in the phony name of Democracy!!!!!

As for OLF and the people of Oromia, the Oromo Nation’s contestants were warned ahead of this sham election not to launder the dirty hands of the TPLF by willingly participating in such election where the winners were the public secret ahead of the elections date. Learning from such hard facts, joining back their Nation’s struggle should not be that hard.

Basically they say when one who sees a “Half Empty” glass of water is called a “Pessimist” person, while that who sees the same glass of water “Half Full” is labelled as an “Optimist” individual. Depending on such analogy, we all fall somewhere on the continuum of the line in reference to the appreciation or conceptualization of the developments and the present stages of the struggle of the Nation of Oromia. Yet, others see no water at all in the glass, denying the very existences of the object.  Recognizing all at their own varying value persuasions, the envisioned goal (Kayyoo) of the Oromo Nation’s struggle will continue to dictate all the supporters and the Oromian freedom lovers to make sure the inherited obligations not to be relinquished prior to the Nation’s achievements of its total freedom, as it is founded on a solid rock principle.

NB: No one in his right mind expects neither the TPLF, nor the Abyssinian narcissistic self-righteous debteras to recognize the above realities and facts.  But, with or without them, the Oromo Nation’s struggle will continue till the final victory!!!!!.

Ulfaadhaa.

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes of OLA and all Oromo compatriots. Freedom and just for the Nation of Oromia.

Oromia shall be free!!!!!!

Yonatan Tesfaye,said the election could not be considered free and fair, since 200 party candidates were denied the right to stand and 52 members had been arrested in the run up to the polls.

Asian investors, regional allies and European admirers: why the world overlooks Ethiopia’s rigged elections

June 15, 2015 Ethiopia

Addis Ababa is too important a place to sideline over a small matter like democracy.

Part of the Addis Ababa light railway under construction. Photo: Getty

(New Statesman) — On 24 May, Ethiopia went to the polls – a fact that might have escaped your attention. Hardly surprising since there was next to no coverage in the British press. Even the BBC no longer has a correspondent in Addis Ababa.

But perhaps there is another reason why the election in what is one of Africa’s most important countries received so little attention: it was a foregone conclusion.

The last time Ethiopians were given the opportunity to vote, the ruling party and its allies won hands down. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliated parties took 545 of 547 seats. The opposition was reduced to just two MPs.

There was, apparently, some concern among those close to Prime Minister Meles that an election could be quite so blatantly rigged. The US State Department reported that the few international election observers allowed to monitor the process had concluded: “An environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place prior to election day.”

This was clearly unsatisfactory. Something had to change. And change it did. For the 2015 election there were precisely no international observers. The EU said its previous recommendations had been ignored, so there was little point in repeating the process.

The African Union did send observers but its preliminary report will give the Ethiopian government few sleepless nights. The 2015 election, it concluded, was: “calm, peaceful, and credible as it provided an opportunity for the Ethiopian people to express their choices at the polls.”

The result was certainly an improvement. While Prime Minister Meles was only able to win 99 per cent of the seats, his successor, Hailemariam Desalegn, has gone one better. Of the 442 results announced so far the ruling party has a 100 per cent success rate.

There is no official explanation of why the remaining 105 seats have not been announced more than three weeks after the election. A final tally is expected on 22 June.

The opposition Blue Party described the outcome as a “disgrace”. Its spokesman, Yonatan Tesfaye,said the election could not be considered free and fair, since 200 party candidates were denied the right to stand and 52 members had been arrested in the run up to the polls.

Growth under a steely hand

If Ethiopia was yet another African dictatorship staggering from one economic crisis to another there would be little more to say about it. But Ethiopia is different.

In the last decade the country has registered truly stellar growth. The World Bank reports that, in the decade leading up to 2012/13, it registered an annual GDP increase of 10.8 per cent, compared to a regional average of 5.3 per cent.

On a host of other measures Ethiopia is doing extremely well. School enrolment has reached 87 per cent. Life expectancy has increased to 64 years, well above the African average. Where nearly half the population lived in poverty 20 years ago, that figure has now fallen to 29.6 per cent.

These are striking statistics.

They have been achieved through a two-pronged strategy: to back major infrastructure projects and to allow unfettered access to international investors.

The infrastructure schemes have seen the building of giant dams – including the $4.8bn Grand Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile, which will provide hydro-electricity for Ethiopia and the wider region. A Chinese-backed railway upgrading the critical link to the sea in Djibouti is expected to be completed in October.

The capital, Addis Ababa, has been transformed from a sleepy backwater into a high-rise metropolis, complete with its own metro – again courtesy of the Chinese. Completed earlier this year, its 32km will link 39 stations: a vital addition to the city’s transport network.

Investors are pouring in, with a Chinese firm planning a $400m shoe-manufacturing park. Bob Geldof, who raised millions for Ethiopians during the 1984-85 famine, is now an investor in the country, through the company he chairs called 8 Miles.

“They don’t have to die in vast numbers before we pay attention,” Geldof told the Wall Street Journal.

As Bloomberg’s catchy headline put it: “Ethiopia’s hot, Nigeria’s not, for investors eyeing Africa.”

Economic success is not in sufficient profusion in Africa for Western governments to turn their noses up at the Ethiopian achievement. But there is another reason why criticism of the 2015 election has been so muted: Ethiopia is a key regional ally.

With Ethiopian troops in Somalia confronting al-Shabaab, Prime Minister Hailemariam’s ministers are guaranteed a warm reception in Washington, London or Paris. American drones fly from an Ethiopian base. Whether it is fighting militant Islam or reducing the exodus of migrants from the Horn of Africa, Addis Ababa is too important a place to sideline over a small matter like democracy.

So while the EU statement on the 2015 election pointed out its flaws, it goes on to say that Europe: “looks forward to continuing and deepening that partnership with the new government and the people of Ethiopia in a spirit of honesty and cooperation”.

No cuts in Ethiopia’s $4bn annual aid budget are likely to take place following the election, no matter how blatantly it was rigged or how brutally the opposition is treated. From Beijing to Washington, politicians have other priorities when it comes to Addis Ababa and its rulers.

በኖርዌይ የስደተኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎች ኢትዮጵያውያን ጉዳይ እልባት ሳያገኝ ለብዙ ዓመታት መቆየቱ ታወሳል፡፡ ይህን ጉዳይ ወደ ኋላ መለስ ብሎ አጀማመሩንና አሁን የላበትን ደረጃ በዝርዝር ማየቱ አስፈላጊ ይሆናል፡፡ በግልም ሆነ በጋራ ተነሳስቶ ታላላቅ ወገናዊና ሰብኣዊ ጉዳዮችን መተግበር እንደሚቻልም የሚሰጠው ትልቅ ትምህርት አለና ዝርዝሩ እነሆ... እ.አ.አ. በ2010 ዓ.ም. መጨረሻ ላይ የኖርዌይ መንግሥት በኢትዮጵያውያን የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎች ላይ አንድ ያልተጠበቀ እርምጃ ወሰደ፡፡ ቀደም ሲል ያቀረቡት የመኖሪያ ፍቃድ ጥያቄ በተደጋጋሚ ተቀባይነት ያላገኘላቸውና ባገኙት የሥራ ፈቃድ ሠርተው እራሳችውንና ቤተሰቦቻቸውን እየረዱ ይኖሩ የነበሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች በድንገት የዚህ ችግር ሰለባ ሆኑ፡፡ ቤትና መኪናን የመሳሰሉ ንብረቶች አፍርተው፣ ልጆች ወልደው (ሕጋዊ ጋብቻ ግን ተከልክለው) እየሠሩ ይኖሩ የነበሩ በሙሉ ወደ ስደተኖች ካምፕ እንዲገቡ ተገደዱ፡፡ ይህ ድንገቴና ያልተጠበቀ ዱብዳ በኖርዌይ አገር ለእስታቫንገሩ ነዋሪና የእስታቫንገር ዩኒቨርስቲ የፖለቲካል ሳይንስ የትምህርት ክፍል ተባባሪ ፕሮፌሰር ለሆነው ለዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀ የሚዋጥ አልሆነም፡፡

የኖርዌይና የስደተኞቻችን ፍልሚያ -በአበራ ለማ የዛሬ አራት ዓመት በኖርዌይ ተቀስቅሶ የነበረው የ500 ጥገኝነት ጠያቂ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኖች ጉዳይ በኦስሎ አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት 127ኛ ችሎት በቅርቡ ሲታይ ሰንብቷል፡፡ ይህ ቀደም ሲል በዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀ የግል ተነሳሽነት በኖርዌይ ጠበቆች አማካኝነት በየደረጃው ላሉ የኖርዌይ ፍርድ ቤቶችና በኋላም ለአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ቀርቦ የነበረው ጉዳይ አሁን የታየው እ.አ.አ. ከሜይ 4 – 29 ቀን 2015 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ነው፡፡ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት መቀመጫውን ለንደን ባደረገው ”ዘ አየር ሴንተር - The AIRE Center” (Advice on Individual Rights in Europe) በተሰኘው መንግሥታዊ ባልሆነው የሕግ ባለሙያዎች ድርጅት አማካኝነት የቀረበለትን ይህን ጉዳይ፣ ከሦስት ዓመታት ተኩል በላይ ለሆነ ጊዜ ሲመለከተው መቆየቱም ይታወሳል፡፡ http://www.airecentre.org/pages/who-we-are.html#sthash.DNrjajaU.dpuf የኦስሎው አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት 127ኛ ችሎትና ጉዳያቸው በናሙናነት የታየላቸው የዘጠኙ ስደተኞች ስም ዝርዝር ይህ መቀመጫውን በፈረንሳይ አገር እስትራስቡርግ ከተማ ያደረገው የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት በመጨረሻ ላይ ጉዳዩን መርምሮ በሰጠው ብይን፤ የኖርዌይ ፍርድ ቤቶች ብይን ከሰጡባቸው የስደተኖች ጉዳዮች መካከል፣ ከ60-70 በመቶ የሚሆኑት ተመሳሳይ እንደሆኑ ተችቶ፣ ተመሳሳይ ብይን የተሰጠባቸውን ነገር ግን ተመሳሳይ የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ መንስዔ ጭብጥ የሌላቸውን ጉዳዮች ለናሙና ያህል መርጦ በአስራ አንዱ ላይ እንዳዲስ ብይን እንዲሰጥበት ለኖርዌይ ትእዛዝ አስተላልፏል፡፡ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት የ500ዎቹን የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢ ባለጉዳዮችን ማንነትና ችግሮች መርምሮ እንደደረሰበትም ከሆነ ከ500ዎቹ ባለጉዳዮች መካከል 340ዎቹ የኦሮሞ ብሄረሰብ ተወላጆች መሆናቸውን ይፋ አድርጓል፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ከአስራ አንዱ የናሙና ተመራጮች መካከል አብዛኞቹን የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ባለጉዳዮች ሲያደርግ፣ ከነዚህ ውስጥ ሁለቱ ቀደም ሲል ከቤተሰብ ጋር በተያያዘ ምክንያት የመኖሪያ ፈቃድ ያገኙ በመሆናቸው ጉዳያቸው ሲሰረዝ፣ የዘጠኙ አቤቱታ በጠበቆቻቸው አማካኝነት ቀርቦ፤ ከኖርዌይ የኢሚግሬሽን ይግባኝ ሰሚ ባለሥልጣን (UNE- Utlendingsnemnda) ጠበቆች ጋር 2 ሲከራከሩበት መሰንበታቸውን እችሎቱ ላይ ተገኝተን ባይን ምስክርነት ለማረጋገጥ ችለናል፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱም ግራ ቀኙን ሲያከራክር ከሰነበተ በኋላ፣ በሰኔ ወር መጨረሻ ላይ ብይን ለመስጠት ወስኖ ችሎቱ ተነስቷል፡፡ በኖርዌይ የስደተኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎች ኢትዮጵያውያን ጉዳይ እልባት ሳያገኝ ለብዙ ዓመታት መቆየቱ ታወሳል፡፡ ይህን ጉዳይ ወደ ኋላ መለስ ብሎ አጀማመሩንና አሁን የላበትን ደረጃ በዝርዝር ማየቱ አስፈላጊ ይሆናል፡፡ በግልም ሆነ በጋራ ተነሳስቶ ታላላቅ ወገናዊና ሰብኣዊ ጉዳዮችን መተግበር እንደሚቻልም የሚሰጠው ትልቅ ትምህርት አለና ዝርዝሩ እነሆ... እ.አ.አ. በ2010 ዓ.ም. መጨረሻ ላይ የኖርዌይ መንግሥት በኢትዮጵያውያን የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎች ላይ አንድ ያልተጠበቀ እርምጃ ወሰደ፡፡ ቀደም ሲል ያቀረቡት የመኖሪያ ፍቃድ ጥያቄ በተደጋጋሚ ተቀባይነት ያላገኘላቸውና ባገኙት የሥራ ፈቃድ ሠርተው እራሳችውንና ቤተሰቦቻቸውን እየረዱ ይኖሩ የነበሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች በድንገት የዚህ ችግር ሰለባ ሆኑ፡፡ ቤትና መኪናን የመሳሰሉ ንብረቶች አፍርተው፣ ልጆች ወልደው (ሕጋዊ ጋብቻ ግን ተከልክለው) እየሠሩ ይኖሩ የነበሩ በሙሉ ወደ ስደተኖች ካምፕ እንዲገቡ ተገደዱ፡፡ ይህ ድንገቴና ያልተጠበቀ ዱብዳ በኖርዌይ አገር ለእስታቫንገሩ ነዋሪና የእስታቫንገር ዩኒቨርስቲ የፖለቲካል ሳይንስ የትምህርት ክፍል ተባባሪ ፕሮፌሰር ለሆነው ለዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀ የሚዋጥ አልሆነም፡፡ በማህበራዊ ሕይወት የእለት በእለት ግንኙነት አብሯችው በደስታ ይኖሩ የነበሩ ያገሩ ልጆች ሲቸገሩ ማየቱ ሰላሙን ነሳውና ”ምን ይደረግ? ምን መላ ይበጅ?...” እያለ ማብሰልሰሉን ተያያዘው፡፡ ለጊዜውም አንድ መላ ታየው፡፡ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞችን፣ የኖርዌይ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች መሪዎችን፣ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋቾችን፣ ጋዜጠኞችን፣ የሃይማኖት ድርጅት ተወካዮችን፣ ትውልደ ኖርዌጂያንና ኢትዮጵያውያን ያገሪቱን ዜጎችና ወዘተ... ያካተተ ጉባዔ በእስታቫንግር ከተማ የባሕል ማእከል እ.ኤ.አ. በጃንዋሪ 2011 እንዲካሄድ አደረገ፡፡ በዚህ ጉባዔ ላይ የመኖሪያና የሥራ ፈቃድ ተከልክለው በካምፕ ተወስነው እንዲሰቃዩና፤ ብሎም ወዳገራቸው ተገደው እንዲመለሱ ሊደረጉ ስለተዘጋጁ ኢትዮጵያውያን የጥገኝነት ጠያቂዎች ችግር በሰፊው ተወሳ፡፡ ዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀና ታዋቂው የእስታቫንገሩ ጠበቃ በንት ኤንደርሰን ይህ ጉባዔም አንድ እልባት ላይ ደርሶና ቀጣዩ መራራ ትግል መከተል ያለበትን አቅጣጫ አመላክቶ ተበተነ፡፡ በውሳኔውም መሰረት የጥገኝነት ጠያቂዎቹ ኢትዮጵያውያን ጉዳይ በግል ጠበቆች አማካኝነት ይግባኝ እንዲጠየቅበትና ተገዶ ወዳገር ቤት የመመለሱም ጉዳይ ተግባራዊ እንዳይሆን እግድ የሚጣልበት ሁናቴ እንዲፈጠር መርሃ ግብር ተነደፈ፡፡ ይህ በዶ/ር ግሩም የግል ተነሳሽነት የተጀመረው ጉዳይ በጉባዔው ውሳኔ መሰረት በመጀመሪያ ሁነኛ የግል ጠበቆችን እማግኘቱ ላይ አተኮረ፡፡ እናም ዶ/ር ግሩም በእስታቫንገር ከተማ ውስጥ የሚገኘውን ትልቁን የጥብቅና ሥራ ቢሮ ኢቢቲን (EBT – Advokatfirma Endersen Brygfjeld Torall AS) ለትብብሩ ጠየቀ፡፡ ኢቢቲም ተገቢው የጥብቅና አገልግሎት ሂሳብ ከተከፈለው፣ ጉዳዩን ወደ ችሎት ለመውሰድ ዝግጁ መሆኑን ገለጸለት፡፡ ዶ/ር ግሩም ተደሰተ፡፡ ”ግን የክፍያው ገንዘብ ከየት ይመጣ ይሆን ?...” አያለ መጨነቁ አልቀረም፡፡ አዎን አንድ መላ መጣለት፡፡ ለወገን ደራሽ ወገን ነውና፣ ለሰው ደራሽ ሰው ነውና፤ ለባእዱም ለዘመዱም ጉዳዩን አድርሶ የሰው አድኑ ዘመቻ 3 እንዲካሄድ ተለመ፡፡ እናም ይህንን የገንዘብ ማሰባሰቡን ዘመቻ የሚያግዝና የሚያስተባብር አንድ ሕጋዊ ደርጅት እንዲቋቋም አደረገ፡፡ ድርጅቱም ”ፍትህ ለፖለቲካ ስደተኞች” ( RIA – Rettferdighet i Asylpolitikken) የተሰኘ ሆነ፡፡ ይህ ድርጅት ትውልደ ኖርዌጂያን የሆኑና አንድም ኢትዮጵያዊ የሌለበት ባለሰባት ሰዎች ቦርድ አቋቁሞ እስከዛሬ ድረስ ሥራውን በመምራት ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ ቦርዱ በመዋጮ የተሰባሰበውን ገንዘብ ለጠበቆች ሥራ ወጪ እያደረገና ተጨማሪ እርዳታም እንዲገኝ የሚያስተባብር ነው፡፡ ይህ በዚህ እንዳለ በኖርዌይ የስደተኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎች ኢትዮጵያውያን ጉዳይ እልባት ሳያገኝ አንድ አስደንጋጭ ነገር ተከሰተ፡፡ ይሄውም ኖርዌይ ከሌሎች የአውሮፓ አገሮች በተለየ መልኩ የስደተኞቹን ጥይቄ ለመመልከት መንቀሳቀሷ ነው፡፡ ይሄውም የስደተኝነት ጥያቄ አቅርበው የመኖሪያም ሆነ የሥራ ፍቃድ የከለከለቻቸውን ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች ወዳገራቸው ተገደው እንዲመለሱ፣ ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር ስምምነት መፈራረሟ ነው፡፡ ይህ በቀድሞዋ የኖርዌይ የፍትህ ሚኒስቴር ሚኒስትር ግሬቴ ፋሬሞ አማካኝነት በጃኑዋሪ 26 ቀን 2012 ዓ.ም. ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር የተፈረመው ያስገድዶ መመለስ ስምምነት ታላቅ ቁጣን ቀሰቀሰ፡፡ http://atelierpopulaire.no/ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋች ኢትዮጵያውያንን፣ ትውልደ ኖርዌጂያንና የሌሎች አገር ፍትህ ናፋቂያንን ሁሉ ባንድ ጎራ አሰልፎ፣ የኖርዌይን መንግሥት የሚፈታተን የዘመኑ አቢይ አጀንዳ ሆነ፡፡ ቀስ በቀስም ከኖርዌይ ውጭ ያሉትንም ለፍትህ፣ ለዲሞክራሲና ለሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋች የሆኑ ግለሰቦችንና ተቋማትን ሁሉ ስሜት የሚስብ ጉዳይ ሆነ፡፡ ሆኖም የኖርዌይ መንግሥት ባቋሙ በመጽናቱ፣ እ.አ.አ. ከማርች 15 ቀን 2012 ጀምሮ ፍቃድ የሌለው ኢትዮጵያዊ ስደተኛ ሁሉ እየተገደደ ካገር እንዲባረር መንቀሳቀስ ጀመረ፡፡ በስደተኞች ካምፕ ውስጥ የተጠለሉ ሁሉ ከካምፑ ተባረሩ፡፡ ብዙ ስደተኞች ኦስሎ በሚገኘው ዶም ሺርከን በሚባለው ቤተ ክርስቲያን ደጃፍ ላይ ካርቱን እያነጠፉ ሊጠለሉ ተገደዱ፡፡ ጥቂቶች ደግሞ ወደ እስዊድን ለዳግም ስደት ተዳረጉ፡፡ ብዙ ሰላማዊ ሰልፎች በተለያዩ የኖርዌይ ከተሞች ውስጥ ተካሄዱ፡፡ እሱም በዛ ያለው ፓሊስ በኃይል እያስገደደ ስደተኞቹን ከቤተክርስቲያን ደጃፍ እንዲባረሩ አደረገ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያውያን ሰቆቃና እምባ ወደር አቻ አጣ፡፡ ምን ቢደረግ ይሻላል የሚለው ጥያቄ አሁንም ግዘፍ ነሳ፡፡ ባንጻሩም ጉዳዩን በበላይነት የሚያስተባብሩት የሚኒስትር ግሬቴ የኋላ ታሪክ ምንነትም እየተነሳ መተቸት ተጀመረ፡፡ ይሄውም ከኢትዮጵያ ስደተኖች ጉዳይ ጋር በተያያዘ ሴትዮዋ የነበራቸውን አሻራ የሚዳስስ ነው፡፡ ጉዳዩ እንዲህ ነበር... ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኖችን አስገድዶ ወዳገር ቤት ለመመለስ ከተዘጋጀው ሰነድ መካከል ቅጥያ 3 ዶ/ር ግሩም እንዳጫወተኝ ከሆነ፣ የሠራተኛ ፓርቲዋ ሚኒስትር ግሬቴ በ90ዎቹ አሠርት አጋማሽ ላይ ሚኒስትር በነበሩበት ወቅት፣ አንዲት ባለሁለት ሕጻናት እናት ኢትዮጵያዊት በሁለት የኖርዌይ ፖሊስ አጃቢነት ተገዳ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንድትመለስ ትደረጋለች፡፡ በፖሊሶቹ እንደታጀበች ቦሌ አውሮፕላን ማረፊያ ጣቢያ ስትደርስም፣ እሪ ብላ ተጮሃለች፣ ታለቅሳለች፡፡ የቦሌ የኢሚግሬሽን ሠራተኞችም ለምን እንደምታለቅስ ሲጠይቋት፣ አስገድደው እየመለሷት እንደሆነ ታስረዳለች፡፡ ፓስፖርት ወይም ሕጋዊ መታወቂያም እንድታሳይ ስትጠየቅ፣ አንዳችም የማንነትዋ ማረጋገጫ ሰነድ በእጅዋ ላይ እንደሌለ ሲረዱ እሷንና ልጆቿን ላለመቀበል አሻፈረን ይላሉ፡፡ በአደራ ሊያደርሷት አብሯት የተጓዙት 4 የኖርዌይ ፖሊሶች ያልጠበቁት ችግር ላይ ይወድቃሉ፡፡ ሴትዮዋንና ልጇቿን ይዘው ወደ ኖርዌይ እንዲመለሱ ሲጠየቁ ፈቃደኛ ሳይሆኑ ይቀራሉ፡፡ ኢሚግሬሽንም የፖሊሶቹን ፓስፖርት ነጥቆ ሴትዮዋንና ልጇቿን ይዘው ሼራተን አዲስ ሆቴል እንዲያርፉ ያደርጋቸዋል፡፡ ከአሥራ አምስት ቀናት ፈታኝ ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ፍጭት በኋላ ሴትዮዋንና ልጆችዋን ይዘው ወደ ኖርዌይ እንዲመለሱ ስምምነት ላይ ይደረሳል፡፡ ሂልተን አዲስም ፖሊሶቹ፣ ሴትዮዋና ልጆቿ ያለባቸውን የ350,000.00 ብር ወጪ አስከፍሎ ይለቃቸዋል፡፡ ፖሊሶቹ ሴትዮዋንና ልጆቿን ይዘው ወደ ኖርዌይ ሲመለሱ ወሬው ጋዜጠኞች ጆሮ ይደርስና በሚኒስትር ግሬቴና መሥሪያ ቤታቸው ላይ ከፍተኛ ወቀሳና ሂስ ያስከትላል፡፡ ከዚያ ወዲህ እንዲህ ዓይነቱ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞችን አስገድዶ የመመለሱ ጉዳይ ለብዙ ዓመታት ተቋርጦ ቆይቶ ነበር፡፡ ሆኖም ሚኒስትር ግሬቴ በሌላ ጥፋት ተባረው ወደነበረበት ሥልጣናቸው ከአሠርታት ዓመታት በኋላ ሲመለሱ፣ ይህን አዲስ ስምምነት ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር በማድረግ ሊተገብሩት ሲጣጣሩ ነው፤ የዶ/ር ግሩም ያላሰለሰ የጥረት ውጤት የሆነው ያውሮፓው የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ሕግ እገዳ ያቆማቸው፡፡ ዝርዘሩን ከታች እንመለስበታለን፡፡ ለጠበቆች ስለሚከፈለው የገንዘብ መዋጮ ማስተባበር ጉዳይ ስንመለስ፣ ዶ/ር ግሩምና RIA የነደፉት መርሃ ግብር ውጤታማ የሆነ ነበር፡፡ ”ፍትህ በኖርዌይ ላሉ ኢትዮጵያውያን” (Justice for Ethiopians in Norway) የሚል ድረ ገጽና የፓልቶክ ክፍል ተከፍቶ፣ ጉዳያቸው በእስታቫንገሮቹ ጠበቆች በኩል እንዲቀርብላቸው የሚፈልጉ የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች ሁሉ እንዲያመለክቱ ተጋበዙ፡፡ ወደ 500 ያህሎች ተመዝግበው፣ ከፍተኛ የገንዘብ ማሰባሰብ ዘመቻው ተጀመረ፡፡ በግለሰብ ደረጃ በነፍስ ወከፍ አቅም በፈቀደ ከተካሄደው መዋጮ ሌላ፤ ዶ/ር ግሩም በራሱ ወጪና ኪሳራ እየተንቀሳቀሰ በኢትዮጵያውያንና ኖርዌጂያን ተባባሪዎች እየታገዘ፣ በስምንት የኖርዌይ ከተሞች የገንዘብ ማሰባሰብ መርሃ ግብሩ በወጉ እንዲፈጸም አድርጓል፡፡ መዋጮ የተሰባሰበባቸው ከተሞችም፣ እስታቫንገር፣ ኦስሎ፣ በርገን፣ ትሮንድሃይም፣ ቡዶ፣ ትሮምሶ፣ ክርስቲያንሳንድና አስቴንሻር ናቸው፡፡ ባጠቃላይ ወደ 600,000.00 ኖርዌጂያን ክሮነር (በግምት ወደ 109,000.00 ዶላር) ሊሰባሰብ እንደቻለ ዶ/ር ግሩም ይናገራል፡፡ ከዚህ ገንዘብ ውስጥ በኦስሎ ከተማ ያንድ ምሽት የገንዘብ ማሰባሰብ ዝግጅት ብቻ 123,000.00 ክሮነር ለሲባሰብ ችሏል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ከኖርዌይ ቤተክርስቲያናት 100,000.00 ክሮነር፣ አንዲት 60 ዓመታቸውን ያከበሩ ኖርዌጂያዊት የቤተክርስቲያን አገልጋይ በስጦታ የተበረከተላቸውን 36,000.00 ክሮነር ለዚህ በጎ ተግባር ሲያበረክቱ፣ አንዲት ኤርትራዊት ሴትም 5000.00 ክሮነር እንደለገሱ ዶ/ር ግሩም በምስጋና ያስታውሳል፡፡ ለጠበቃ እንዲከፈል ከተደረጉ መዋጮዎች አንዱ ናሙና ዶ/ር ግሩምና ለዚህ ሰናይ ተግባር በዙሪያው የተሰባሰቡ ወገኖች ሁሉ፣ ይህ ገንዘብ መሰባሰቡን እርግጠኛ ከሆኑ በኋላ፣ በ”ፍትህ ለፖለቲካ ስደተኞች” ( RIA – Rettferdighet i Asylpolitikken) ድርጅት አማካኝነት ለኢቢቲ (EBT – Advokatfirma Endersen Brygfjeld Torall AS) ጠበቆች ተፈላጊውን ክፍያ ፈጽመው እ.አ.አ. አፕሪል 2 ቀን 2012 ዓ.ም. ጉዳዩን በይፋ ፍትህ እንዲጠይቁበት ኃላፊነት ተሰጣቸው፡፡ እነዚህ በሳልና በሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ጉዳዮች ላይ ሰፊ ልምድ ያላቸው ጠበቆች፤ ጉዳዩን አጣድፈው ለኦስሎ አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት አቀረቡ፡፡ በኖርዌይ ታሪክ ውስጥ 500 ሰዎች ተባብረው የኖርዌይን መንግሥት ሲከሱ የመጀመሪያው ዓይነት በመሆኑ፣ ይበልጥ የብዙዎችን ወገኖች ስሜት ሳበ፡፡ በተለያዩ የዜና ማሰራጫዎች ክርክሩና ውይይቱ ሁሉ ተጋጋለ፡፡ ዶ/ር ግሩምና የፍትህ ሚኒስትሯ ግሬቴ ፋሬሞ ባገሪቱ ብሔራዊ ቴሌቪዥን (NRK TV) ላይ በእንግድነት ቀርበው ከፍተኛ ክርክር አካሂደዋል፡፡ አን ማግሪት አውስቴና በኖርዌይ ለስደተኞች የቆመ ድርጅት ዋና ጸሐፊም (NOAS – Norwegian Organization for Asylem Seekers http://www.noas.no/) ከሚኒስትር ግሬቴ ጋር ረዥም ሰዓታት የፈጀ የድረ ገጽ ላይ ክርክርና ምልልስ አካሂደዋል፡፡ 5 ታዲያ ለኦስሎ አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት ቀርቦ የነበረው ይግባኝና አቤቱታ በግንቦት 2012 መጨረሻ ላይ ወድቅ ተደረገ፡፡ ፍርድ ቤቱ የሰጠውም ሰበብ፣ ጉዳያቸው የተናጠል የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ ስለነበር 500 ሰዎች ተሰባስበው በጋራ መክሰስ አይችሉም የሚል ነበር፡፡ ተስፋ የማይቆርጡት የእስታቫንገሮቹ ጠበቆች ይግባኛቸውን ለይግባኝ ሰሚ ፍርድ ቤት (Lagmannsrett) ያቀረቡት ወዲያው ነበር፡፡ ይህ ይግባኝ ሰሚ ፍርድ ቤትም በበኩሉ አቤቱታውን ውድቅ አድርጎ፣ የአንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤቱን ውሳኔ አጸና፡፡ የእስታቫንገሮቹ ጠበቆች አሁንም አልተበገሩም፡፡ አቤቱታቸውን ለኖርዌይ ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ወዲያቀው አቀረቡ፡፡ ሆኖም የኖርዌይ ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤቱም ምላሽ ያው አሉታዊ በመሆኑ፣ ዶ/ር ግሩምና ጠበቆቹ በቀጣዩ ስለሚወስዱት እርምጃ ቆም ብለው ማውጠንጠን ነበረባቸውና ብዙ ተወያዩበት፡፡ እናም ዶ/ር ግሩም ለዶክትሬት ድግሪው ሎንዶን ሂዶ ሲያጠና ስለሚያውቀው በሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ዙሪያ የጥብቅና አገልግሎት ስለሚሰጠው መንግሥታዊ .ያልሆነ ድርጅት ”ዘ አየር ሴንተር - The AIRE Center” (Advice on Individual Rights in Europe) እርዳታ አሰበ፡፡ ወዲያውንም ከድርጅቱ ጋር ግንኙነት ፈጠረ፡፡ በጋራ በደረሱበትም ስምምምነት መሠረት ከእስታቫንገሩ የኢቢቲ ጠበቆች ደርጅት ጋር ተባብረው ጉዳዩን ለአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት እንዲያቀርቡት እ.አ.አ. በሰኔ ወር 2012 ዓ.ም. ጉዳዩ ወደነሱ ተመራ፡፡ ”ዘ አየር ሴንተር - The AIRE Center” (Advice on Individual Rights in Europe)ም ለጉዳዩ ልዩ ትኩረትን በመስጠት እ.አ.አ. በሰብቴምበር 2012 ዓ.ም. አቤቱታውን ለአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት አቀረበው፡፡ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤትም የቀረበለትን የ500 ኢትዮጵያውያን የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ ረዥም ጊዜ ወስዶ ሲመረምር ከቆየ በኋላ፣ በዚህ ጽሑፍ መግቢያ ላይ እንደተገለጠው ሁሉ ጉዳዩ እዚህ ደረጃ ላይ ሊደርስ ችሏል፡፡ የእሰታቫንገሮቹ ሦስቱ ጠበቆች (ከግራ ወደ ቀኝ) ቢዮርን ኢንገ ዎገ፣ በንት ኤንደርሰን፣ ሼል ኤም ብሪግፊዬልድና ጸሐፊው በችሎቱ ውስጥ ኢቢቲን (EBT – Advokatfirma Endersen Brygfjeld Torall AS) እና ”ዘ አየር ሴንተር - The AIRE Center” (Advice on Individual Rights in Europe) ተባብረው ለአውሮፓ ሕብረት የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ያቀረቡት አቤቱታ ኖርዌይ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፕሮቶኮል ቁጥር 4ን ጥሳ ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር ስደተኞችን አሰገድዶ የመመለስ ሰምምነት ማድረግ እንደማይገባት የሚጠይቅ ነው፡፡ ፕሮቶኮል 4 እንደሚደነግገው ከሆነ፣ ሰዎችን በጅምላ ካንድ አገር ወደ ሌላ አገር አስገድዶ ማባረርን አጥብቆ ይከለክላል፡፡ በአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ድንጋጌ አንቀጽ 39 መሰረት ደግሞ ሰዎች በሕይወታቸው ላይ አደጋና ስቃይ ሊያደርስ ወደሚችል አገር አስገድዶ መውሰድ እንደማይቻል የሚከለክል ሕግ አለ፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት ጠበቆቹ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤትን የጠየቁት፣ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት ችግር ያለበት በመሆኑ፣ ኖርዌይ እንዲህ ያለ ስምምነት ልታደርግ አትችልም የሚል እንደሆነ፣ ጉዳዩን የያዙት ሦስቱ ጠበቆች ለጸሐፊው አብራርተዋል፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ይህን ጥያቄ ተቀብሎ፤ ጉዳዩ በድጋሜ በኖርዌይ ፍርድ ቤቶች እስኪታይ ድረስ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያኑ ስደተኞች ተገደው ወዳገራቸው እንዳይመለሱ ወስኗል፡፡ በተጨማሪም የኖርዌይ ፍርድ ቤቶች በኖርዌይ መንግሥት ጠቅላላ ወጪና ኪሳራ የተመረጡትን ዘጠኝ ወካይ ባለጉዳዮች አቤቱታ እንዲመለከት ተበይኖበታል፡፡ በዚህ ውሳኔ መንስዔም ከዚያ ወዲህ ኖርዌይ ከማናቸውም አገሮች ጋር እንዲህ ያለ ስደተኞችን አስገድዶ የመመለስ ስምምነት ማድረግ እንዳቆመች ጠበቆቹ ያስረዳሉ፡፡ ይሄው የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት 6 በሰጠው ተጨማሪ ብይንም፤ ከ60-70 የሚሆኑት የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢዎቹ ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች ጉዳያቸው በኖርዌይ ፍርድ ቤቶች የወደቀበት ምክንያት ተመሳሳይ መሆኑ እንዳላስደሰተው ጠቅሶ፣ ጉዳያቸው እንደገና በኦስሎ አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት እንዲታይላቸው ብይን ሊሰጥ ችሏል፡፡ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ይህንን ጉዳይ ረዥም ጊዜ ወስዶ በሚመረምርበት ወቅት ሰለጉዳዩ እዚህ ኖርዌይ ውስጥ ይካሄድ የነበረውን ዝርዝር ጉዳይ ዶ/ር ግሩም ባንክሮ ያስታውሳል፡፡ ”ፍትህ ለፖለቲካ ስደተኞች” ( RIA – Rettferdighet i Asylpolitikken) በሚል መጠሪያ የተቋቋመው ድርጅት ያስተባበራቸው ግለሰቦች የ100 ስደተኞች ጉዳይ በኖርዌይ የኢሚግሬሽን ይግባኝ ሰሚ ባለሥልጣን (UNE- Utlendings nemnda) እንዲታይላቸው አቤቱታ አቅርበዋል፡፡ ከነዚህም አቤቱታ ከቀረበላቸው ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኖች መካከል ቤተሰቦች ያላቸው ሁሉ ጉዳያቸው በድጋሜ እንዲታይላቸው እንደተደረገ ዶ/ር ግሩም አመልክቷል፡፡ በሌላም በኩል ዛሬ በስልጣን ላይ ያለው ሆይረ (Conservative Party of Norway - Høyre (H) የተባለው የቀኝ ወግ አጥባቂ ፓርቲ በትረ ሥልጣንን ከጨበጠ በኋላ፣ በዚህ በኢትዮጵያ ስደተኖች ጉዳይ ላይ የወሰዳቸው አንዳንድ እርምጃዎች እንዳሉ ዶ/ር ግሩም ያሰምርበታል፡፡ ሆይረ የነዶ/ር ግሩምን መሰረታዊ ጥያቄዎች ተንተርሶ ሁለት አበይት መመሪያዎች በሥራ እንዲውሉ አድርጓል፡፡ የመጀመሪያው ኖርዌይ ውስጥ ከሦስት ዓመታት በላይ የኖሩ ማናቸውም የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅራቢ ኢትዮጵያውያን ሕጻናት ከነቤተሰቦቻቸው ምህረትን እንዲያገኙ የሚደነግገው ሕግ ሲሆን፤ ሁለተኛው ደግሞ ከማናቸውም አገር የመጡና ከአራት ዓመት ተኩል በላይ ኖርዌይ ውስጥ የኖሩ ስደተኛ ሕጻናት፣ ጉዳያቸው በልዩ ጉዳይነት ታይቶላቸው ውሳኔ ሳይሰጥበት ካገር እንዳይባረሩ የደነገገው ሕግ ነው፡፡ ከዚህም ጋር ተያይዞ እነዚሁ ሕጻነት ከአራት ዓመት ተኩል በላይ እዚህ ኖረውና ካንድ ዓመት ላላነሰ ጊዜ በመደበኛ ትምህርት ቤት ውስጥ ገብተው የተማሩ መሆናቸው ከተረጋገጠ፣ የመኖሪያ ፈቃድ የማግኘት መብት እንዳላቸው ተደንግጓል፡፡ ዶ/ር ግሩም ይህን ጉዳይ አስመልክቶ ለጋዜጠኞች በሰጠው አስተያቱ፤ ”የተካሄደው እልክ አስጨራሽ ሕጋዊ ፍልሚያ አንድ ውጤት በመሆኑ ተደስቻለሁ” ብሏል፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ ማርቲን እስቺቢዬ፣ የኦስሎ አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት ከሦስት ሳምንታት በላይ ግራ ቀኙን ሲያከራክርና ጉዳዩን ሲመረምር በቆየበት ሰዓት፣ ያንዳንድ እማኞችን የምስክርነት ቃል በችሎቱ ላይ አድምጧል፡፡ በእስታቫንገሮቹ ጠበቆች አማካኝነት ቀርበው ከነበሩትም እማኞች መካከል ዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀ፣ የፖለቲካ ሳይንቲስቷ ዶ/ር ሉዊስ ኦለን፣ በኖርዌይ ለስደተኞች የቆመ ድርጅት ተወካይ ሚ/ር ጆን ማርቲንሰን፣ የመንግሥት የኢሚግሬሽን መረጃ ማእከል ተወካይ (Land Info)፣ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በእስር ላይ የነበረው የእስዊድኑ ጋዜጠኛ ማርቲን እስቺቢዬ፣ የኦነግ የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባል የሆኑት ዶ/ር ደገፋ አብዲሳ፣ ጋዜጠኛ ጃፈር አሊ በአካል እችሎቱ ላይ ተገኝተው በግልም ሆነ በጋራ እንዲሁም በሌሎች ላይ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት አደርሷል የሚሉትን የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት፣ እንግልት፣ እስርና ስቃይ በዝርዝር አስረድተዋል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ዳኛው በቀጥታ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ስልክ በመደወል በኢትዮጵያ የኖርዌይ ኤምባሲ ዲፕሎማት የሆኑትን የሚስተር ቶሚ ዎልድን ምስክርነት ለችሎቱ አስደምጠዋል፡፡ ዶ/ር ደገፋ አብዲሳ፣ የኦነግ የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባል 7 ይህ በዶ/ር ግሩም ዘለቀ ወገናዊ ተቆርቋሪነት ተጀምሮ ብዙ ሰብአዊ ደርጅቶችን፣ ፖለቲከኞችን፣ የሃይማኖት ሰዎችን ፣ ጋዜጠኞችን፣ ዓለም አቀፍ የህግ ሰዎችን፣ ታዋቂ ግለሰቦችን፣ ባለጉዳዮቹን ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኖችንና ሌሎችንም በብርቱ ያሳተፈ ጉዳይ ፍጻሜው ያማረ ይሆናል የሚል ብርቱ እምነት ያላቸው ወገኖች አሉ፡፡ የሎንደኖቹ ጠበቃ አዳም ዋይዝና ጠበቃ ማት ሞሪያርቲ የእስታቫንገሮቹ ጠበቆች፣ የሎንደኖቹ የ”ዘ አየር ሴንተር - The AIRE Center” (Advice on Individual Rights in Europe) ዳይሬክተር ጠበቃ አዳም ዋይዝና ባልደረባቸው ጠበቃ ማት ሞሪያርቲና ዶ/ር ግሩም ድሉ የኛ ይሆናል ይላሉ፡፡ በዚህ ወር መጨረሻ ላይ ብይን ለማሰማት ቀጥሮ የያዘው የኦስሎው አንደኛ ደረጃ ፍርድ ቤት፣ የአውሮፓ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥበቃ ፍርድ ቤት ባስተላለፈው ውሳኔ መሰረት፣ በነዚህ ዘጠኝ ለናሙናነት በቀረቡ ወካይ ገገባለጉዳዮች ፈለግ የሌሎችንም ስደተኞች ጉዳይ ይመለከት ይሆናል የሚል ተስፋ አለ፡፡ ምን ጊዜም እንበርታ!